미국 고용 3월 report가 완전 쇼크 수준입니다. 예상치에 크게 믿돌면서 미국 경제의 빨간불로 받아들여지네요. 다행히 좋은 뉴스는 이자율 빨리 못올릴것 같다는 예상이 되겠죠. 저유가가 장기화 되면서 미국의 에너지 섹터의 잡들이 영향을 받기 시작하는것 같습니다. 이번년 저유가를 계속 예상해야 할텐데, 미국 경제 지표가 버텨줄지 궁금합니다. 못버텨주면 어떻게 대응할지도 궁금해지네요.

이렇게 data를 잘 정리하고 예쁘게 그림 그리는 사람들 상줘야 합니다.


Bureau of Labor Statistics - 한국말로 노동 통계청 정도 되나요. 

http://www.bls.gov/


http://graphics.wsj.com/job-market-tracker/

-----------------------


The U.S. has added 3.1 million jobs over the 12 months ended in March, which was down slightly from 3.2 million jobs for the period that ended in February.

The unemployment rate in March remained unchanged at 5.5%, while a broader gauge of underemployment that includes workers who have part-time jobs but would like full-time work ticked down to 10.9%, the lowest level since August 2008.

The unemployment rate fell further for college graduates, dropping to 2.5%. For high school dropouts, unemployment actually worsened last month, climbing to 8.6% from 8.4%.

The share of Americans participating in the labor force ticked down to 62.7%, matching the lowest level in 36 years. The share of Americans with jobs was unchanged at 59.3%.

A big part of the decline in the overall U.S. labor force owes to the aging of the U.S. population and the growing share of retirees. But even among so-called prime-age workers between 25 and 54 years old, labor-force participation and employment to population have dropped.

Average hourly earnings ticked up in March from February, but average weekly earnings posted the smallest annual gain since last June.

The number of workers who have been out of their jobs for more than six months has continued to decline but remains above the prerecession level.

The share of the unemployed who have been jobless for more than half a year fell below 30% for the first time since June 2009. The rate had been hovering around 31% for the last six months. This was the first big drop in long-term unemployment since August.

The median duration of unemployment dropped to 12.2 weeks from 13.1 weeks. This is still much higher than normal but less than half as long as during the worst of the recession.

Nearly all of the jobs added since the recession ended in June 2009 have been full-time positions.

-----------------------

-----------------------

U.S. employers sharply slowed their hiring in March to the weakest pace in more than a year, the latest sign that the economy stumbled in the early months of 2015. Nonfarm payrolls rose by a seasonally adjusted 126,000 jobs in March, the Labor Department said Friday. The unemployment rate, derived from a separate survey of households, was unchanged at 5.5%.

  • TREND

    197,000

    The economy added an average 197,000 jobs in the first three months of 2015, the weakest pace since early 2014. Last year, the U.S. added an average 260,000 jobs a month. The first quarter of 2015 looks a lot like the first quarter of 2014, when job growth averaged 193,000. The big question is whether the latest slowdown represents broader weakness or a temporary lull. Last year's weak first quarter was followed by a strong rebound.

  •  
  • REVISIONS

    -69,000

    Updated figures showed job growth was weaker earlier this year than previously estimated, with the economy adding 69,000 fewer jobs in January and February than previously estimated. Payrolls grew 201,000 in January instead of the previously reported 239,000 gain. Payrolls increased 264,000 in February, down from the initially reported addition of 295,000.

  • WAGES

    2.1%

    Workers appear to be getting slightly bigger paychecks. Average hourly earnings of private-sector workers rose 7 cents in March from February, to $24.86. But growth is still modest historically. Over the past year, wages have grown 2.1%.

  • LABOR-FORCE PARTICIPATION

    62.7%

    The labor force shrank last month, a sign of underlying weakness. The labor-force participation rate—or the share of working-age Americans with jobs or searching—fell to 62.7% from February's 62.8%. The labor force lost 96,000 workers last month. The participation rate is near the lowest level since the late 1970s.

  • MINING AND LOGGING

    -11,000

    The mining and logging industry shed 11,000 jobs in March and has lost a total of 30,000 positions this year. That reflects weakness in the energy industry, suffering under a collapse in oil prices. But many service-providing sectors added jobs last month, including retail, health care and restaurants.

     

    -------------------------


Posted by 쁘레드
자동차이야기2015. 4. 2. 02:48
1위부터 9위까지 현대 기아네. 이런 독과점 상황에서 독과점 기업이 자국민을 위해 스스로 가격을 낮출이유가 있을까. 자본이 최대이익을 위해 기업을 하는데 낮추는게 바보지. 손가락질은 하되 방향이 잘못되었네요.

한국에서 트럭이 1등하는게 신기하네요. 미국 자동차는 판매대수로 1~3위가 언제나 트럭인데 미국 트럭은 뽀대도 나고 offload 성능도 좋고 짐도 많이 들어가고 힘도 쎈데... 한국은 1t 트럭판매가 늘어나는 것은 무너져가는 중산층의 상징아닐런지. 예전에 회사다닐때는 그 만두고 포터사서 배추장사나 해보자 얘기 웃으며 많이했는데.

-------------------
2015년 3월 내수시장 판매 1위는 현대차 1t 트럭 포터가 차지했다.
http://m.media.daum.net/m/media/economic/newsview/20150401194808198




Posted by 쁘레드

 

Source : http://www.index.go.kr/potal/main/EachDtlPageDetail.do?idx_cd=2992


정의
  • 인구 10만 명당 자살로 인한 사망자수임.

 

해설

자살률은 2000년대 들어 가파르게 증가해 왔다. 인구 십 만명 당 자살자 수는 2011년 30명을 넘어섰으며 이것은 1999년에 비해 배 이상 증가한 것이다. 남성의 자살률이 여성보다 두 배 가량 높고, 나이가 많아질수록 자살하는 사람이 늘어난다. 국제적으로도 한국의 자살률은 매우 높은 수준이다. 
자살하는 사람의 숫자는 70세 이상 노인 인구에서 가장 높아, 2011년 289.5명에 달하고 있다. 20,30대의 경우 자살이 사망원인 1위를 차지하고 있다. 자살하는 사람의 숫자는 다른 연령대보다 적지만, 젊은 층의 경우 사망률 자체가 낮기 때문이다. 자살은 삶에 대한 만족이 극도로 떨어졌을 때 취하는 극단적인 행동이다. 모든 연령층에서 자살률이 높다는 것은 그 만큼 삶에 대한 전반적인 만족이 떨어지거나, 문제를 해결할 수 있는 방법을 찾는데 어려움을 겪고 있는 것으로 볼 수 있다.

(※ 통계표의 수치가 최신으로 업데이트되어 본문의 수치와 맞지 않을수 있음. 본문은 업데이트 예정)

  • 최근 갱신일 : 2014-10-23 è (인용자주) 그런데 2012년 자료밖에 없다. 최근 수치가 안좋아 공개하고 있지 않다고 밖에… 정보를 감추고 통계를 왜곡하고.

 

----------------------

한국인 사망원인중 자살이 차지하는 비중은 낮네요. 젤 높다는 얘기가 있었는데 통계적으로 그렇지 않네요. 20-30대의 경우 맞는 이야기고요.

Source : http://www.index.go.kr/potal/main/EachDtlPageDetail.do?idx_cd=1012

 

 

 

Posted by 쁘레드

이런 말도안되는 일이. 중국 2.5년치가 미국 100치와 비슷할듯. 도대체 어디다 들이붙는거냐.

 

How China used more cement in 3 years than the U.S. did in the entire 20th Century

By Ana Swanson March 24 

China used more cement between 2011 and 2013 than the U.S. used in the entire 20th Century.

It's a statistic so mind-blowing that it stunned Bill Gates and inspired haiku. But can it be true, and, if so, how? Yes, China's economy has grown at an extraordinary rate, and it has more than four times as many people as the United States. But the 1900s were America's great period of expansion, the century in which the U.S. built almost all of its roads and bridges, the Interstate system, the Hoover Dam, and many of the world's tallest skyscrapers. And China and the U.S. are roughly the same size in terms of geographic area, ranking third and fourth in the world, respectively.

Bill Gates's GatesBlog

The statistic seems incredible, but according to government and industry sources, it appears accurate. What's more, once you dive into the figures, they have a surprisingly logical explanation that reveals some fascinating differences between the two countries, and some ominous realities about China.

Gates plucked the statistic from the historian Vaclav Smil, who callscement "the most important material in terms of sheer mass in our civilization." (In case you need a refresher, cement is a powdery lime-and-clay substance that is combined with water and gravel or sand to make concrete.) Smil got his estimates from the U.S. Geological Survey, whose figures for the American use of cement in the 20th Century are below.


U.S. Geological Survey

This chart shows some interesting economic trends – including dips in construction during the Great Depression, World War II and the recession of the early 1980s. All of America's cement consumption during the century adds up to around 4.4 gigatons (1 gigaton is roughly 1 billion metric tons).

In comparison, China used around 6.4 gigatons of cement in the three years of 2011, 2012 and 2013, as data below from the International Cement Review, an industry publication based in London, shows. U.S. Geological Survey estimates on China's cement consumption are similar: According to Hendrik van Oss, a mineral commodity specialist at the USGS, China's cement consumption between 2010–12 was about 140 percent of U.S. consumption for 1900–99.


U.S. Geological Survey and International Cement Review

Clearly, the amount of cement that China has used in recent years is just stunningly huge. Here it is as a cube, overlooking Chicago.


Courtesy of Rhett Allain

As a parking lot, it would cover Hawaii's big island:


Rhett Allain

So how did China use so much cement? First, the country is urbanizing at a historic rate, much faster than the U.S. did in the 20th Century. More than 20 million Chinese relocate to cities each year, which is more people than live in downtown New York City, Los Angeles and Chicago combined. This massive change has taken place in less than 50 years. In 1978, less than a fifth of China's population lived in cities. By 2020, that proportion will be 60 percent.

China's cities have been transformed to make room for this influx of people. By some estimates, half of China's infrastructure has been built since 2000, with new rail networks, interstates, dams, airports and high-rise apartment buildings springing up across the country. For example, the gif below shows how Shanghai's Eastern Pudong District changed between 1987 and 2013. You can see why Spike Jonze chose Pudong as the setting for a city of the future in the recent movie "Her."


1987 REUTERS/Stringer, July 31, 2013. REUTERS/ Carlos Barria

More stunning than Shanghai's transformation is the growth of the Pearl River Delta, a megalopolis on the Chinese mainland across from Hong Kong. The manufacturing hub had 42 million inhabitants in 2010, according to the World Bank. If considered a single urban area – which makes sense, since the cities there all run together -- the Pearl River Delta would be the world's largest city by both area and population.

What's almost more impressive than China's biggest cities is the incredible number of "small" cities that no one has ever heard of. In 2009, China had 221 cities with more than a million people in them, compared with only 35 in Europe. Even relatively minor cities like Zhengzhou and Jinan are more populous than Los Angeles or Chicago.

Beyond China's incredible urbanization, there are a few more facts that make the cement stat even more believable. As Goldman Sachs pointed out in a note, China's population today is only about four times as large as the U.S., but it is 15 times as large as the U.S. was in the early 20th Century, and nine times the size of the U.S. in 1950.

The world also experienced a shift in building materials over the 20th Century. In 1950, the world manufactured roughly as much steel as cement; by 2010, steel production had grown by a factor of eight, but cement had gone up by a factor of 25. And where many houses in the U.S. are made of wood, China suffers from a relative lack of lumber. Unlike in the U.S., many people in China live in high- or low-rise buildings made out of cement.

Finally, China's cement industry is much larger than it should be. Many of China's cement manufacturers are state-owned, and they benefit from government support and access to cheap capital. As in other overcapacity state-owned industries -- aluminum, steel, and shipbuilding -- China's cement sector has undergone a period of explosive growth without much regard for product quality or profits.

This massive cement industry also takes a heavy toll on the environment. Scientists estimate that the global cement industry accounts for around 5 percent of the world's carbon emissions, and more than half of the world's cement production capacity is based in China.

What's more, low standards for construction quality mean some of China's concrete buildings may have to be knocked down and replaced in as little as20 or 30 years. According to Goldman Sachs, about a third of the cement that China uses is low-grade stuff that wouldn't be used in other countries.

When Bill Gates wrote in his blog about China's stunning cement consumption, he pointed out that the issue of materials is key to helping the world's poorest people improve their lives. Replacing mud floors with concrete improves sanitation; paving roads with concrete allows vegetables to get to market, kids to get to school, and the economy to flourish. In China, the building boom has spurred economic growth that has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.

And yet, China's massive cement use also points to a darker side of the economy: The waste that occurs with too much top-down economic planning, and the environmental toll of growth at all costs. China's cement splurge is impressive, yes, but it may hold the seeds of a more ominous story.

Ana Swanson writes for Know More and Wonkblog.

 

Posted by 쁘레드

소비자물가 Overall Price가 0.2% 상승, Energy 비용도 다시 오르고 있고.

New home sales도 8% 증가해서 2008년 이후 최고라함. (이전 통계자료에서 2008년이 얼마나 낮았는지 알면 놀랍지도 않는 수치, 참고: 국 부동산 시장을 알수있는 그래프)

Meanwhile, sales of newly built homes surged nearly 8% in February to an annual rate of 539,000, the highest level since early 2008, the Commerce Department said. Such sales are only about a tenth of all home purchases,

이렇게 잘 올라가면 이자율 올릴까봐 무서워하는 애들이 있겠죠.

 

Source : http://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-consumer-prices-rise-for-first-time-since-october-1427200315?mod=WSJ_hp_LEFTWhatsNewsCollection

Posted by 쁘레드

역시 선진국일수록 역사를 중시하고, 통계를 잘 간진하는 것 같습니다. 똑같은 실수를 계속 반복할수록 사회적 비용은 어마어마하게 증가하겠죠. 과거에서 배운다, 그러려면 왜곡되지 않는 역사적 사실을 잘 기록해놓고 잘 검증된 통계자료가 필수겠지요.

OECD법인세율에 대한 자료가 잘 기록되어 있네요.

http://www.oecd.org/tax/tax-policy/tax-database.htm#C_CorporateCaptial

 

Country 

Central government 

Sub-central government corporate income tax rate 4

Combined corporate income tax rate 5

Targeted corporate tax rates 6

Corporate income tax rate 2

Statutory corporate income tax rate exclusive of surtax  

Adjusted corporate income tax rate 3

Australia* 

30.0 

  

30.0 

  

30.0 

Y 

Austria 

25.0 

  

25.0 

  

25.0 

N 

Belgium* 

33.9 

33.0 

34.0 

  

34.0 

Y 

Canada 

15.0 

  

15.0 

11.30 

26.3

Y 

Chile 

20.0 

  

20.0 

  

20.0 

Y 

Czech Republic 

19.0 

  

19.0 

  

19.0 

Y 

Denmark 

24.5 

  

24.5 

  

24.5 

N 

Estonia* 

21.0 

  

21.0 

  

21.0 

  

Finland 

20.0 

  

20.0 

  

20.0 

N 

France* 

34.4 

33.3 

34.4 

  

34.4 

Y 

Germany* 

15.8 

15.0 

15.8 

14.35 

30.2 

N 

Greece 

26.0 

  

26.0 

  

26.0

Y 

Hungary* 

19.0 

  

19.0 

  

19.0 

Y 

Iceland*  

20.0 

  

20.0 

  

20.0 

Y 

Ireland 

12.5 

  

12.5 

  

12.5 

Y 

Israel* 

26.5 

  

26.5 

0.00 

26.5 

Y 

Italy* 

27.5 

  

27.5 

  

27.5 

N 

Japan* 

28.1 

25.5 

26.2 

10.82 

37.0 

Y 

Korea 

22.0 

  

22.0 

2.20 

24.2 

Y 

Luxembourg* 

22.5 

21.0 

22.5 

6.75

29.2 

Y 

Mexico 

30.0 

  

30.0 

  

30.0 

Y 

Netherlands* 

25.0 

  

25.0 

  

25.0 

Y 

New Zealand* 

28.0 

  

28.0 

  

28.0 

N 

Norway 

27.0 

  

27.0 

  

27.0 

Y 

Poland* 

19.0 

  

19.0 

  

19.0 

N 

Portugal* 

30.0 

23.0 

30.0 

1.50 

31.5 

Y 

Slovak Republic* 

22.0 

  

22.0 

  

22.0 

N 

Slovenia 

17.0

  

17.0 

  

17.0 

  

Spain 

30.0 

  

30.0 

  

30.0 

Y 

Sweden  

22.0 

  

22.0 

  

22.0 

N 

Switzerland* 

8.5 

  

6.7 

14.45 

21.1 

N 

Turkey 

20.0 

  

20.0 

  

20.0 

N 

United Kingdom* 

21.0 

  

21.0 

  

21.0 

Y 

United States* 

35.0 

  

32.8 

6.29 

39.1 

Y 

 

이렇게 보니까 우리가 높은지 낮은지 잘 알수가 없어서, 우리의 대부분의 기업들이 경쟁하고 있는 나라랑만 비교를 다시 해봤습니다.

욕나옵니다. 우리보다 낮은 나라는 Finland, Sweden, United Kingdom 정도인데, 그냥 알고있는 기업이 있는 나라러 지우지 않았는데 얼마나 실제로 우리나라 기업과 겹치는 비율은 상당히 낮아 보입니다. 바로 옆에 있는 Japan은 엄청나게 높네요. 일본은 법인세율을 깍아주는게 좋은 선택이었던듯.

Country 

Central government

Sub-central government corporate income tax rate 4

Combined corporate income tax rate 5

Targeted corporate tax rates 6

Corporate income tax rate 2

Statutory corporate income tax rate exclusive of surtax  

Adjusted corporate income tax rate 3

Finland 

20.0 

  

20.0 

  

20.0

N 

France* 

34.4 

33.3 

34.4 

  

34.4 

Y 

Germany* 

15.8 

15.0 

15.8 

14.35 

30.2 

N 

Israel* 

26.5 

  

26.5 

0.00 

26.5 

Y 

Japan* 

28.1 

25.5 

26.2 

10.82 

37.0 

Y 

Korea 

22.0 

  

22.0 

2.20 

24.2 

Y 

Sweden  

22.0 

  

22.0 

  

22.0

N 

United Kingdom* 

21.0 

  

21.0 

  

21.0

Y 

United States* 

35.0 

  

32.8 

6.29 

39.1 

Y 

 

-------------------------------------------------

실효세율은 또다른 문제일것 같은데, 아래 한겨례 기사에 내용이 있음.

http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/economy/economy_general/664254.html

-------------------------------------------------

<선대인 경제연구소 글>

국내 기업들 법인세 부담이 높다고?

http://www.sdinomics.com/data/blog/3149/section=b_title%7C%7Cb_content&query=%EB%B2%95%EC%9D%B8%EC%84%B8

<그림1> OECD국가들의 명목법인세율 현황

 

<그림2>

 

<그림3> OECD국가들의 GDP 대비 법인세 비중 현황

 

마지막으로 빠트릴 수 없는 중요한 사실 또 하나는 나라별로 법인세와 개인소득세로 분류하는 기준이 각각 다른데서 오는 왜곡이 있다. 한국의 경우 법인세로 잡히는 상당 부분의 소득이 미국과 독일, 프랑스 등 상당수 국가에서는 개인소득으로 잡힌다. 예를 들어, 미국의 경우 S-corporation 이라고 하는 기업들의 소득은 개인소득세로 잡힌다. 그런데 이런 S-corporation등의 기업이  세수 비중으로는 30~40%에 이른다. 그런데 한국의 경우 이들 법인들 세금의 상당 부분이 모두 법인세수로 잡힌다.

 

때문에 OECD 비교통계에서 GDP 대비 한국의 법인세액은 상대적으로 과대평가되고, 개인소득세액은 과소평가되는 착시현상을 일으킨다. 만약 미국이나 독일과 같은 방식으로 구분한다면 한국의 GDP 대비 법인세액 순위는 크게 떨어질 것이다. (<그림3>에서 보는 것처럼 GDP 대비 법인세 부담액의 비중 차이가 국가별로 차이가 조금만 비중이 늘거나 줄어도 순위가 크게 달라진다

 

결론적으로 'GDP 대비 법인세 비중이 높으니 법인세율을 낮춰야 한다' 주장은 사실관계를 의도적으로 왜곡하거나 논리적 오류를 범하고 있는 것이다. 또한 국제비교 통계상의 맹점을 전혀 감안하지 않은 주장이다. 전부터 전경련 등에서 나오던 주장을 이제 정부여당이 앵무새처럼 읊조리고 있는데, 이들이야 원래 재벌대기업들 편이니 그렇다 치자. 하지만, 이런 주장의 문제점을 제대로 꿰뚫어보기보다는 한겨레같은 신문조차 수긍하는 듯한 기사를 쓰고 있으니 문제가 아닐 없다

   

참고로, 정부여당은 GDP 대비 법인세 비중이 높아진 이유를 '국제적인 법인세율 인하 경쟁 속에서 OECD 주요국 등의 법인세율 인하 폭이 상대적으로 컸기 때문'이라고 주장한다.  하지만 이는 거짓말이다. <그림4>에서 보는 것처럼 2002 대비 2012 한국의 최고 법인세율은 5.5% 포인트 하락해 같은 기간 OECD 34개국의 평균 하락률 5.14% 포인트보다 하락했다.  

 

 

어느 이상한 나라의 황당한 세금 걷는 법

http://www.sdinomics.com/data/blog/3662/section=b_title%7C%7Cb_content&query=%EB%B2%95%EC%9D%B8%EC%84%B8

1. 한국의 명목 법인세율은 OECD 국가들 가운데 준조세회피처 국가나 서구자본 유치가 급했던 과거 동유럽 국가 등을 제외하면 가장 낮은 수준이다. 특히 재벌대기업들의 실효 법인세율은 법인소득 300억~500억원 규모의 중소기업보다 더 낮다. 더구나 2000년에 비해 2011년 법인가처분소득은 533% 늘었는데, 법인세 부담은 겨우 151%만 늘렸다. 반면 같은 시기 개인 가처분소득은 86% 늘었는데, 소득세는 142%로 소득에 비해 대폭 늘린 것과 비교하면 법인세 부담은 상대적으로 대폭 줄어들었다.


2. 국내에서 가장 비싼 집인 삼성전자 이건희 회장의 서울 용산구 이태원동 자택의 개별주택가격은 130억원이다. 서민들 입장에서야 입이 떡 벌어질 액수이지만 실제보다 매우 낮게 책정된 것이다. 경실련은 이 집의 가격을 주변 거래 시세 등을 조사해 2011년 기준으로만 최소 310억원으로 추정했다. 아무리 높게 잡아도 실제 시세의 약 42%가량만 공시주택가격으로 잡힌다는 뜻이다. 

...

4. 2008년 대비 2013년 실효세율(명목세율에서 각종 비과세감면공제 혜택 등을 제하고 실제로 내는 세금의 비율. 과표 기준)은 근로소득세가 0.87%포인트, 법인세는 5.04%포인트, 종합소득세 역시 5.04%포인트 줄어들었다. 감세정책의 효과를 시정하고자 한다면 어디부터 손대야 할까. 

...

물론 대기업 법인세를 늘리고, 재벌 3,4세들 상속증여세 제대로 걷고, 부동산 임대소득과 보유세, 양도차익, 주식 양도차익, 종교인 수입 등에 제대로 과세하고, 진짜 고소득층이 대거 몰려 있고 자본소득이 대부분을 차지하는 종합소득납세자 상위 계층에 함께 증세를 한다면 이해할 수 있다. 이 모든 부분에서 제대로 과세하지 않거나 오히려 종부세 무력화 등으로 깎아주는 상황에서 봉급생활자의 근로소득세만 증세한다? 이걸 누가 받아들이나. 이걸 두고 "복지국가로 가기 위한 증세"이니 이해하고 참아야 한다? 사람들이 모두 도인들인 줄 아나. 조세의 기본은 공정성이다. 공정성이 심각하게 저해된 상황을 도외시한 채로는 "복지국가를 위한 증세"에 대한 사람들의 이해와 동의를 끌어내지도 못한다. 나는 더 내는데 이건희와 조용기는 세금을 덜 낸다고 생각해보라. 누가 흔쾌히 세금을 내겠나. 증세를 위해서라도 "공정과세"의 원칙을 철저히 실현하는 것이 세금혁명의 최우선 과제이다. 




Posted by 쁘레드

미국의 주택경기는 2007년 경제위기 몇년만에 주요도시 위주로 가파른 상승을 보여줬지요.

그렇지만 아직까지 2007년 버블까지 따라잡으려면 더 많은 노력을 해야겠네요. 여기에 이자율까지 오르면 어떤 상황이 벌어질지… 재밌겠네요.

 

 

좋은 사이트 : http://www.calculatedriskblog.com/

Posted by 쁘레드

 

2015년 2월 현재 5.5%, 3월은 5.1-5.2% 사이로 예상된다고 함. 5%정도가 완전고용으로 본다는 기본 관념이 있었는데 시대가 변했으니 완전고용에 대한 정의를 빠꿔야 한다는 논의가 활발해게 진행중.

1982년 10.8%, 60년간 최고점

2009년에 10.0% : 경제위기후 최고점

미국의 경우는 정말 특이한 현상인데, 대체적으로 경제가 한번 무너지면 경제성장률이 낮고 물가도 많이 안오르는 추세속에서는 완전고용으로 다시 가기는 정말 어렵다고 봅니다. 한국의 실업률을 유심히 보면 재밌을듯.

https://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/UNRATE

Civilian Unemployment Rate

 

미국 public debt가 지난 15년간 엄청나게 증가하고 있는데 이건 어떻게 이해하면 좋을지, 다른 국가들이 따라해도 좋을지 생각해 볼 문제네요.

 

이것은 중앙정부 debt. GDP에 100%에 욱박하는데.

 

참고로 그리스 data를 찾아보니 2000년초에 이미 GDP대비 120% 부채가 있었고 경제위기 시작되고 163%까지 폭등했네요. 다른 뉴스에서 2014년에 175%까지 올랐다고 하니…


연준 경제 DB : http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/


Posted by 쁘레드

불평등의 경제학. 미국 대도시의 상위5% 하위 20% 차이를 track하는 data. 아틀란다(Atlanta) 가장 심하다고 한다. 추세가 점점 벌어지고 있는듯.

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Some cities are still more unequal than others
—an update

By: Alan Berube and Natalie Holmes

More than five years after the end of the Great Recession, and three years since the Occupy movement took on Wall Street, high and growing levels of income inequality continue to animate debates on politics and public policy. Inequality provided the economic backdrop for President Obama's 2015 State of the Union address, the recent report of a transatlantic Commission on Inclusive Prosperity, and one of the most talked-about books of 2014, French economist Thomas Piketty's Capital in the Twenty-First Century.

Although each of those examples focuses on the actions that national governments should take to address inequality, continued gridlock in Washington has inspired growing interest and activity at the sub-national level around ameliorating inequality and promoting social mobility. In 2014 alone, 14 states and the District of Columbia enacted increases in their minimum wagesMany cities adopted or considered similar measures, most notably Seattle, which is raising its minimum wage to $15/hour by 2017. Some observers argue that cities themselves are better positioned to enhance social mobility for low-income residents than the federal government.

This report updates a 2014 analysis that looked at levels of income inequality in the 50 largest U.S. cities, and examines in particular trends between 2012 and 2013, the most recent data available from the U.S. Census Bureau. Like the earlier analysis, it focuses on incomes among households near the top of the distribution—those earning more than 95 percent of all other households—and households closer to the bottom of the distribution—those earning more than only 20 percent of all other households. It then measures the gap between the two, or the "95/20 ratio." All dollar amounts are adjusted for inflation to 2013 levels.

Large cities remain more unequal by income than the nation overall

In 2013, big cities continued to exhibit greater income disparities between rich and poor households than the rest of the country (Figure 1). Across the 50 largest cities, households in the 95th percentile of income earned 11.6 times as much as households at the 20th percentile, a considerably wider margin than the national average ratio of 9.3. This difference reflects the fact that in big cities the rich have higher incomes, and the poor lower incomes, than their counterparts nationally. From 2012 to 2013, the inequality ratio widened in both cities and the nation overall, as incomes at the top grew somewhat faster than incomes at the bottom. Notably, incomes grew faster for both the rich and poor in cities than they did elsewhere.

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AUTHORS

Alan Berube

Alan Berube is a senior fellow and deputy director of the Brookings Metropolitan Policy Program. A former policy advisor to the U.S. Treasury Department, he is an expert on metropolitan demographics, low-wage workers, and urban poverty.

@berubea1

Natalie Holmes

Natalie Holmes is a senior research assistant at the Metropolitan Policy Program. Her work focuses on poverty, access to opportunity, and tax policies that support low-income workers and communities in metropolitan America.

In 12 of the 50 largest cities, the rich became significantly richer between 2012 and 2013

Several cities witnessed dramatic growth in the incomes of their highest-earning households between 2012 and 2013 (Table 1). In 12 cities, incomes for the 95th percentile of households in 2013 exceeded those in 2012 by a statistically significant margin. Seattle topped the list with 15 percent growth in income among those households, equivalent to a $36,000 increase. The three cities with the next-largest increases at the 95th percentile—Cleveland, Jacksonville, Fla., and Louisville, Ky.—are not generally regarded as wealthy cities, and indeed the 14 percent increases they registered near the top translated to lower increases in absolute dollar terms ($21,000 in Jacksonville and Louisville; $14,000 in Cleveland). Incomes for wealthy households also jumped by double-digit rates in San Jose, Calif., Dallas, and Portland, Ore.

In only one of the 50 largest cities—Albuquerque, N.M.—did 95th-percentile incomes decline from 2012 to 2013. The Albuquerque region has struggled economically in recent years, and weak growth there seems to have affected households near the top.

While not statistically significant, the estimated rate of income growth for rich households in San Francisco topped 18 percent, equivalent to a $66,000 bump. The Census Bureau does not provide enough data on high-income earners in San Francisco to conclusively demonstrate that increase, but the trend is consistent with anecdotal evidence on growing concentrations of very-high-paying jobs and households in that city.

San Francisco also stands apart from the pack in just how rich its richest households were in 2013 (Figure 2). They earned at least $423,000, more than $100,000 clear of their counterparts in San Jose. Wealthy households in Washington, D.C. were the only other group whose incomes topped $300,000 in 2013. These cities contrasted sharply with Detroit, where incomes at the 95th percentile reached only $108,000. And despite a significant increase from 2012 to 2013, incomes among Cleveland's top-earning households cleared just $116,000 in 2013.

Most high-income households in cities have recovered the ground they lost during the recession. By 2013, in only eight of the 50 largest cities were incomes for top-earning households significantly below their 2007, pre-recession levels. Las Vegas registered the largest dip, at 19 percent. In four cities—Cleveland, Portland, San Francisco, and San Jose—top incomes in 2013 significantly exceeded their 2007 levels.

In 11 of the 50 largest cities, low-income households made significant gains from 2012 to 2013

About one in five of the nation's largest cities posted significant income gains at the lower end of the distribution between 2012 and 2013 (Table 1). Jacksonville, San Francisco, Nashville, Tenn., Oklahoma City, and Kansas City, Mo. all posted double-digit increases in 20th-percentile incomes. In both Jacksonville and San Francisco, those translated to increases of at least $3,000 for households at that level. No cities experienced statistically significant income declines among lower-income households from 2012 to 2013.

Notably, cities where incomes grew at the top overlapped very little with those where incomes grew at the bottom. Of the 11 cities where 20th-percentile incomes increased by a statistically significant margin from 2012 to 2013, just two (Jacksonville and Houston) also posted gains at the 95th percentile. It thus seemed that households near the bottom of the income ladder did not benefit from the significant gains accruing to high-income households in many cities. By the same token, low-income households made progress in several cities—particularly Southern and Western cities like Nashville, Oklahoma City, Colorado Springs, Colo., and Austin, Texas—despite little movement at the top.

San Francisco again proved an exceptional story. The 20th-percentile income in that city rose from $21,500 in 2012 to $24,800 in 2013, a 15 percent jump that registered highest among the 50 cities. The Census Bureau data do not reveal, however, how much those gains accrued to low-income households who remained in San Francisco (or any other city, for that matter) versus how much they reflect changes in who lived in the city across those two years. Incomes near the bottom could have increased due in part to very-low-income households leaving the city, perhaps because of affordability challenges. The fact that Oakland, Calif. also saw significant income growth at the lower end may signal that a strong Bay Area economy lifted all boats; or low-income households in Oakland may have also experienced affordability pressures similar to their counterparts across the Bay.

Despite positive trends in some cities from 2012 to 2013, lower-income households in the majority (31) of the 50 largest cities had lower incomes in 2013 than they did in 2007. That contrasts sharply with the small number of cities (8) in which incomes declined at the top from 2007 to 2013. Incomes at the 20th percentile were down more than one-quarter from their 2007 levels in Sacramento, Calif., Indianapolis, and Las Vegas, reflecting the lingering impacts a severe recession had on lower-income households in those cities and regions.

Income inequality rose in two cities and fell in four others from 2012 to 2013

How incomes change at the top and bottom of the distribution in a city dictates how its level of inequality, measured by the 95/20 income ratio, changes as well.

Between 2012 and 2013, the inequality ratio rose by a statistically significant margin in just two cities (Table 2). In Cleveland and Dallas, incomes for the rich rose significantly while they stagnated for low-income households. At the other end of the spectrum, four cities posted significant declines in their inequality ratios, in most cases because low incomes rose while those at the top held steady. Kansas City and Nashville registered the largest inequality decreases. The relatively small sample of households in the Census Bureau data introduced too much uncertainty about changes in other cities to definitively conclude that inequality had increased or decreased there. Nevertheless, the fact that estimated inequality ratios rose in 42 cities, and fell in only eight, suggests that the predominant trend in these big cities is toward rising inequality.

Given these dynamics, the map of the most unequal cities in 2013 changed little from the previous year (Figure 3). Atlanta continued to lead the list, with top household incomes in that city nearly 20 times those near the bottom (Table 3). San Francisco still ranked second, with a 95/20 ratio of roughly 17. Boston moved up to third place at 15, while Miami dropped to fourth place thanks to modest income growth among its poorer households. Washington, D.C., New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles all remained in the top 10, while Dallas and Minneapolis moved in as Oakland and Baltimore moved out. Indeed, eight of the top 10 cities for inequality in 2013 also ranked in the top 10 in 2007.

The cities with the most equal distribution of incomes also remained largely the same from 2012 to 2013. All are geographically large cities that incorporate large swaths of suburban territory within their borders, and most are in the South and West. In addition, these cities are not home to the concentrations of technology and financial/professional services industries that pay the very highest salaries and that characterize many of the cities at the top of the inequality rankings.

Trends through 2013 left many cities with higher levels of inequality than they exhibited in 2007, prior to the recession. Twenty-one (21) of the 50 cities had a higher 95/20 income ratio in 2013 than in 2007. Atlanta and San Francisco, the cities with the highest inequality ratios in 2013, exhibited the largest increases in their ratios over that time. Interestingly, Cleveland's increase followed closely behind, driven by the modest gains its top-earning households made in 2013, combined with losses its low-income households suffered in earlier years.

Conclusion

These findings confirm that income inequality remains a salient issue in many big cities today. Moreover, they lend support to the concern that rising incomes at the top of the distribution are not—at least in the short term—lifting earnings near the bottom, even in local markets.

Since the debate over the $15/hour minimum wage started in Seattle in late 2013, many other cities—including Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, and San Francisco—are considering or have enacted increases to the minimum wage locally. While the minimum wage is a potentially important means for helping low-earner households living in high-cost places, local policymakers should not ignore the other tools they have at hand—from education to economic development to housing and zoning policies—that are essential for improving social mobility and sustaining income diversity in big cities today.

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Posted by 쁘레드

상황히 급격히 악화되는듯. 악순환이 심해지다보면 좋은 정책도 안먹힐텐데.

통계청 2015년 2월 고용동향

http://kostat.go.kr/portal/korea/kor_nw/2/3/1/index.board?bmode=read&aSeq=334459


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http://www.edaily.co.kr/news/NewsRead.edy?newsid=02145126609304632&SCD=JA11&DCD=A00101

실업자 120만명 시대…고용시장은 '춘래불사춘'(종합)

입력시간 | 2015.03.18 10:27 | 윤종성 기자 jsyoon@


▲실업자 및 실업률 추이(자료= 통계청)

실업자 120만3000명..5년여 만에 최대
청년실업률은 11.1%..외환위기後 최고치
체감실업률 12.5%..통계작성 이래 최고

[세종= 이데일리 윤종성 김상윤 기자] 꽁꽁 얼어붙은 고용시장이 좀처럼 풀릴 기미를 보이지 않고 있다. 계절은 봄을 치닫고 있지만, 일자리 사정은 '춘래불사춘(春來不似春, 봄이 왔지만 봄 같지 않다)''이다. 

18일 통계청이 발표한 '2월 고용동향' 자료를 보면 지난달 실업자 수는 120만3000명으로 집계됐다. 이는 지난 2010년 1월(121만6000명) 이후 5년 여 만에 가장 많은 숫자다. 실업자 수가 100만명을 넘은 것도 지난해 4월 이후 처음이다. 

실업률은 4.6%를 기록해 지난 2010년 2월 이후 5년 만에 가장 높았다. 특히 청년실업률은 심각한 수준을 보였다. 지난달 청년실업률은 11.1%로, 1년 전에 비해 0.5%포인트나 높아졌다.

11.1%라는 청년실업률 수치는 IMF 외환위기 직후인 지난 1999년 7월 이후 가장 높은 수치다. 청년실업률이 두자릿수대로 올라선 것도 지난해 4월(10.0%) 이후 10개월 만이다. 

실업률 관련지표가 모조리 치솟으면서 체감실업률을 의미하는 '고용보조지표3'은 12.5%로 지난해 5월 관련지표 도입 이래 최고치를 기록했다. 

정부는 비경제활동인구가 경제활동에 참여하면서 빚어진 현상이라며, 대수롭지 않게 여기고 있다. 

주환욱 기획재정부 정책기획과장은 "경활참가율 증가세가 지속되는 가운데 실업률이 소폭 상승했다"면서 "일반적으로 2월은 방학, 취업시즌 등 계절적 특성으로 다른 달에 비해 평균 1.1%v포인트 이상 높다"고 설명이다. 

하지만 이날 발표된 고용동향 자료를 뜯어보면 갈수록 악화되는 고용 사정을 엿볼 수 있다. 지난달 취업자수는 2519만5000명으로 전년 동월대비 37만6000명 증가하는데 그쳤다. 

올 들어 취업자수 증가 폭은 지난 1월(34만7000명)에 이어 두달째 30만명대에 머물고 있다. 지난해의 경우 취업자수 증가 폭은 6월(39만8000명) 한달을 제외하고 매월 40만명대 이상을 기록했다. 

지난해 8개월 연속 60%를 넘었던 고용률도 올 들어 한풀 꺾였다. 고용률은 지난해 10월 60.9%에서 △11월 60.8% △12월 59.4% △올해 1월 58.7%로 줄곧 하락하다, 2월에는 0.1%포인트 늘어난 58.8%를 기록했다. 사실상의 보합이다. 

지난달 청년층 고용률(15~29세)은 41.1%로, 1년 전보다 0.5%포인트 증가한 것으로 나타났다. 하지만 한달 전(41.3%)과 비교해보면 0.2%포인트 하락한 수치다. 

주 과장은 "비정규직 차별 완화 등 노동시장 구조개혁, 교육개혁 등을 통해 청년층에 대한 양질의 일자리 창출 노력을 강화할 필요가 있다"고 말했다. 

한편, 지난달 비경제활동인구는 1642만9000명으로 전년동월대비 8만3000명(0.5%) 증가한 것으로 나타났다. 

남성 비경제활동인구는 562만9000명으로 1년 전보다 9만1000명(1.6%) 늘어난 반면, 여자는 1080만1000명으로 8000명(-0.1%) 감소한 것으로 집계됐다. 

비경제활동 인구 가운데 구직단념자는 45만6000명으로, 1년새 18만9000명 늘어난 것으로 나타났다. XML:Y

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